LRB-4453/1
RAC:emw
2023 - 2024 LEGISLATURE
November 2, 2023 - Introduced by Representatives Brandtjen, Allen, Behnke,
Bodden and Wichgers. Referred to Committee on Government Accountability
and Oversight.
AR18,1,3
1Relating to: the impeachment of Meagan Wolfe, the Administrator of the Wisconsin
2Elections Commission, citing allegations of maladministration in office and
3potential violations of election laws.
AR18,1,54
Whereas, the following articles of impeachment are presented to the Wisconsin
5State Assembly and Senate:
AR18,1,7
6Article 1. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration During the 2020
7Presidential Election
AR18,2,28
Administrator Wolfe promoted and encouraged illegal alterations of absentee
9ballot applications during the administration of the 2020 presidential election in
10Wisconsin. It is important to note that absentee voting, in contrast to in-person
11voting, is regarded as a privilege rather than a right, primarily due to legislative
12concerns regarding potential fraudulent activities associated with absentee voting
13that are not as prevalent in in-person voting. This perspective on absentee voting
14has been acknowledged since former President Carter's review of the 2000
1presidential election identified absentee voting as a significant source of potential
2election fraud.
AR18,2,113
To address the perceived vulnerabilities of absentee voting, the legislature
4established a series of safeguards, with one of the primary requirements being that
5absentee ballots must be witnessed by a third party who provides their name,
6signature, and address. Unfortunately, some Wisconsin Elections Commission
7(WEC) members, with whom Administrator Wolfe concurred, criticized these
8security measures as “vote suppressors" and employed derogatory characterizations.
9As the chief elections official in Wisconsin, Administrator Wolfe was responsible for
10advocating for adherence to the laws set by the legislature and advising
11commissioners while publicly supporting adherence to the law.
AR18,2,2412
Throughout the relevant period, Administrator Wolfe was aware, or should
13have been aware, that absentee ballots failing to meet legal requirements, such as
14missing witness signatures or addresses, should not be counted. Despite this
15knowledge, Administrator Wolfe approved and endorsed specific instructions within
16the Election Administration Manual for Wisconsin Municipal Clerks, which stated
17that clerks “may add a missing witness address using whatever means are
18available." This so-called “ballot curing" procedure violated the legislative intent for
19strict compliance with absentee ballot requirements and did not guarantee accurate
20corrections. This maladministration of “curing," promoted and encouraged by
21Administrator Wolfe, created disparities in how voters were treated, allowing some
22deficient ballots to be “cured" while others were not. The decision on which votes
23would count was left to the municipal clerk, whereas the legislature had previously
24determined it.
AR18,3,10
1Wisconsin Statute § 6.87 (6d) explicitly states, “If a certificate is missing the
2address of a witness, the ballot may not be counted." However, the law does provide
3a lawful method to correct missing absentee ballot information under Wis. Stat. §
46.87 (9). According to this law, if a municipal clerk receives an absentee ballot with
5an improperly completed certificate or no certificate, the clerk may return the ballot
6to the elector inside the sealed envelope if available, along with a new envelope if
7necessary, allowing the elector to correct the defect and return the ballot within the
8authorized period under subsection (6). Contrary to Administrator Wolfe's directive
9to clerks, it was the voter's responsibility to correct absentee ballot errors, not the
10clerks' responsibility.
AR18,3,2011
During the investigation into this matter, the Wisconsin Institute of Law and
12Liberty (WILL) discovered high rates of cured ballots in Green Bay and Racine.
13Nonprofit partners of the Center for Tech and Civic Life (CTCL), such as US Digital
14Response (USDR), Elections Group, and National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI),
15played an active role in curing ballots in these locations. These partners offered
16services to streamline and automate the ballot curing process in several cities.
17Administrator Wolfe, as with the SVD issue outlined in Article 5, failed to fulfill her
18duty to take reasonable steps to ensure that essential election laws concerning the
19receipt of deficient and ineligible absentee ballots were adhered to during the 2020
20presidential election in Wisconsin.
AR18,3,22
21Article 2. Administrator Wolfe's Neglect of Duty in Safeguarding
22Wisconsinites' Personal Data
AR18,4,823
Administrator Wolfe committed maladministration by unlawfully failing to
24protect Wisconsin citizens' confidential and personal information as mandated by
25state statutes. These statutes require the Administrator to enter into a contract with
1the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), a private nonprofit, of which
2Administrator Wolfe was the Chairman until recently. ERIC's stated purpose is to
3assist states in maintaining accurate voter rolls. Yet, it has proven to be ineffective,
4evident in the fact that Wisconsin, with approximately 4.5 million eligible voters, has
5over 7 million names on its voter rolls—a situation that Administrator Wolfe has
6actively contributed to. Furthermore, in the calendar year 2023, eight states have
7terminated their relationships with ERIC, casting doubt on its ability to achieve its
8stated objectives.
AR18,4,219
Notably, Kevin Kennedy, the then-chief legal counsel for the Government
10Accountability Board, signed a contract with WEC shortly after the statutes
11authorizing WEC's creation were enacted. The Government Accountability Board
12was dissolved by statute due to its perceived dishonest and partisan activities.
13Despite this, Administrator Wolfe has never signed a contract with ERIC. It is
14crucial to underline that the duty to sign such a contract is explicitly laid out in the
15statute to protect the confidential information of all Wisconsin citizens.
16Administrator Wolfe was well aware of this duty through her four-year term as
17Administrator of the WEC or her concurrent role as Chairman of ERIC. Her failure
18to uphold this vital statutory duty has left ERIC, an organization with partisan
19implications if not in name, with unrestricted access to sell, distribute, or share
20confidential data. Administrator Wolfe's neglect of this straightforward and
21essential duty is indefensible.
AR18,4,23
22Article 3. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration in Ensuring
23Safeguards Against Fraudulent Voting
AR18,5,824
Administrator Wolfe unlawfully failed to establish the minimum required
25safeguards to prevent fraudulent voting in Wisconsin. Under Wisconsin law,
1residents temporarily residing overseas can cast ballots in Wisconsin's elections. It
2is also incumbent upon Administrator Wolfe to establish, implement, and maintain
3a comprehensive database containing the names of these individuals. This database
4serves as a crucial tool for municipal clerks to cross-reference voter requests with the
5overseas voter list, thereby ensuring the legitimacy of such requests. This safeguard
6is especially significant because, unlike military overseas absentee voters,
7non-military overseas voters are not required to provide a photo ID when requesting
8an absentee ballot.
AR18,5,209
Regrettably, Administrator Wolfe's maladministration unfulfilled her
10responsibility to create, implement, and maintain this reference database for our
11clerks. Consequently, this method of ballot gathering is left vulnerable to fraudulent
12activity, akin to the vulnerabilities seen in the military overseas voting system. In
13other words, just as demonstrated by the case of Kim Zapata, who fabricated three
14fictitious names and addresses of non-existent military absentee ballot requesters
15and had all three ballots sent to Representative Brandtjen's home, anyone, from
16anywhere, at any time, can similarly obtain an unlimited number of non-military
17absentee ballots. Much like the ballots sent to Representative Brandtjen's home,
18there is no mechanism to verify the authenticity of non-military overseas absentee
19ballots obtained through this process. This lack of verification results directly from
20Administrator Wolfe's complete and inexcusable failure to fulfill her duties.
AR18,5,22
21Article 4. Administrator Wolfe's Unlawful Advocacy for Ballot Drop
22Boxes
AR18,6,423
Administrator Wolfe unlawfully promoted maladministration with the use of
24ballot drop boxes. In her role as Wisconsin's chief elections official, Administrator
25Wolfe was responsible for guiding clerks regarding the procedures outlined in the
1state's elections law. However, there have been instances where Administrator Wolfe
2acted as if she, and not the legislature, had the authority to establish rules for
3Wisconsin's elections. One such instance was her purported authorization of ballot
4drop boxes.
AR18,6,95
Ballot drop boxes were unfamiliar in Wisconsin before the 2020 presidential
6election cycle. Their use was mandated for the state's five largest cities through
7contracts signed with the “Center for Tech and Civic Life" (CTCL), a private
8corporation funded by Mark Zuckerberg to conduct partisan Get Out the Vote
9(GOTV) campaigns in Wisconsin and other swing states.
AR18,6,1710
Under the guise of her official role, Administrator Wolfe fully supported and
11promoted the use of these unauthorized drop boxes by issuing a series of memoranda
12(prepared by WEC staff under her supervision) to municipal clerks. This
13endorsement and promotion of ballot drop boxes ran counter to Wisconsin law, as
14highlighted in the
Teigen case, which concluded that WEC's staff erred by
15authorizing a voting method not sanctioned by law. The memos created a ballot drop
16box system entirely absent from Wisconsin's election code, as the legislature's
17procedures for absentee voting do not allow for voting via ballot drop boxes.
AR18,6,2518
Ballot drop boxes present opportunities for election fraud by reducing the
19likelihood of detection, and their maladministration use, as endorsed and promoted
20by Administrator Wolfe, likely had a significant and unfair impact on the outcome
21of the November 2020 presidential election in Wisconsin. The cities of Green Bay,
22Kenosha, Madison, Milwaukee, and Racine received $216,000 from CTCL
23specifically to purchase and utilize 44 ballot drop boxes in Wisconsin's five largest
24metropolitan areas. The exact number of ballots deposited in these unlawful drop
25boxes during the 2020 election remains unknown.
AR18,7,2
1Article 5. Administrator Wolfe's Role in Enabling Unlawful Absentee
2Voting in Long-Term Care Facilities Without Special Voting Deputie
s
AR18,7,123
Administrator Wolfe was involved in facilitating illegal absentee voting in
4long-term care facilities without the presence of Special Voting Deputies (SVDs), as
5required by Wisconsin law. According to Wisconsin law, when absentee voting is
6conducted in long-term care facilities such as nursing homes, each municipal clerk
7or their designated representatives must be accompanied by two SVDs, one from
8each of the two major political parties. These SVDs receive specialized training and
9take an oath to ensure that absentee voting is conducted strictly with the law. One
10of their essential functions is to challenge the competency of potential voters in
11nursing homes and other long-term care facilities, as outlined in Wis. Stat. § 6.875
12(4).
AR18,7,2413
Administrator Wolfe caused maladministration by assisting five out of the six
14WEC commissioners in consistently voting to unlawfully direct Wisconsin's clerks to
15disregard the statutorily mandated SVD procedure. This disregard for the law
16occurred in 2020 during the administration of three separate elections, including the
17presidential election. Several authorities, including the Racine County Sheriff's
18Department, the Racine County District Attorney, Wisconsin's Legislative Audit
19Bureau (LAB), and the Wisconsin Assembly's Special Counsel to Investigate the
202020 presidential election, all reached the conclusion that WEC violated Wisconsin
21election law each time it permitted absentee voting in long-term care facilities
22without requiring the presence of at least two special voting deputies. It is
23indisputable that the actions of those five commissioners and Administrator Wolfe
24were illegal.
AR18,8,2
1Throughout the relevant period, Administrator Wolfe publicly and privately
2supported this illegal scheme and encouraged Wisconsin's clerks to participate in it.
AR18,8,4
3Article 6. Administrator Wolfe's Neglect in Safeguarding the Votes of
4Overseas Military Voters
AR18,8,105
Administrator Wolfe is charged with maladministration for failing to protect
6overseas military voters' votes, as Wisconsin Statutes require. These statutes assign
7to WEC and its Administrator, Meagan Wolfe, the responsibility to establish,
8implement, and maintain a process through which the identities of Wisconsin
9residents serving in the military and stationed overseas can be made available to
10municipal clerks.
AR18,8,1611
Upon receiving an application for a ballot from a purported serviceman or
12woman, the municipal clerk is then statutorily obligated to refer to the identification
13list created, implemented, and maintained by WEC to verify the individual's military
14service status. This verification process is especially crucial because military service
15personnel are exempt from the statutory requirement to present photo identification
16before voting.
AR18,9,517
The significance of the system that WEC is mandated to create, implement, and
18maintain cannot be overstated; it serves as the protective barrier between access to
19military ballots and those who may attempt to fraudulently obtain them by falsely
20claiming eligibility. The need for such a verification system was unequivocally
21demonstrated in October 2022 when Kim Zapata, then employed as the Deputy
22Director of the Milwaukee Election Commission, intentionally fabricated three
23fictitious names with non-existent home addresses and submitted them online to
24generate three fraudulent ballots, which were subsequently mailed to the residence
25of Representative Janel Brandtjen, who was serving as the Chairman of the
1Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections at the time. These fraudulent
2ballots were indeed delivered to Representative Brandtjen's home, prompting her to
3turn them over to law enforcement. Kim Zapata later admitted her actions,
4explaining that she did so to illustrate to Representative Brandtjen and others the
5“true" vulnerability to fraud in Wisconsin elections.
AR18,9,96
Crucially, due to Administrator Wolfe's negligence, if anyone had cast the three
7fraudulent ballots created by Kim Zapata, there would have been no means to detect
8the fraudulent activity or the resulting disenfranchisement of three legitimate
9military absentee ballots.
AR18,9,1210
When a lawsuit sought declaratory and injunctive relief to compel
11Administrator Wolfe to address this dereliction, she engaged the services of a private
12law firm, the Mark Elias Law Group, in an attempt to avoid remedying the situation.
AR18,9,14
13Article 7. Administrator Wolfe's Involvement in the Employment of
14Partisan, Out-of-State Residents for Election Administration in 202
0
AR18,9,2415
Administrator Wolfe facilitated, promoted, and encouraged the employment of
16partisan, out-of-state residents to administer Wisconsin's elections in 2020. In this
17maladministration, Mark Zuckerberg's stated objective in 2020 was to aid in the
18defeat of President Donald Trump. Zuckerberg enlisted the services of David Plouffe,
19one of former President Obama's principal political advisors and the author of “The
20Citizen's Guide to Beating Donald Trump," to oversee a plan aimed at staffing the
21offices of the largest cities in swing states with partisan employees and agents to
22administer the elections in those cities. An essential aspect of this plan, called
23“block-by-block political warfare," was directed at cities like Detroit, Milwaukee,
24and Philadelphia.
AR18,10,13
1David Becker, a highly partisan individual employed by George Soros and the
2administrator of the partisan Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC),
3played a central role in executing this scheme. It is noteworthy that while
4Administrator Wolfe was the Chairman of ERIC, David Becker was in charge. In this
5context, Zuckerberg, Plouffe, and Becker arranged for the Center for Tech and Civic
6Life (CTCL) to distribute payments totaling $8.8 million to the five largest cities in
7Wisconsin, namely Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha, and Green Bay (referred
8to as the “Zuckerberg Five" or the “Cities"). The contracts governing the transfer of
9these funds required the Cities to perform various services for Zuckerberg, with a
10primary obligation being the installation of illegal ballot drop boxes in unmonitored
11locations. Additionally, the Cities were required to “cooperate" with Zuckerberg's
12directives and follow the instructions of CTCL's designated personnel in
13administering the elections.
AR18,10,2214
One of the individuals involved in this scheme was Michael
15Spitzer-Rubenstein, a Brooklyn, New York resident and known partisan. In an
16email to the clerks of the Zuckerberg Five Cities, Administrator Wolfe provided her
17authorization to utilize Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein as part of their election
18administration efforts. Although Claire Woodall-Vogg, the Milwaukee Election
19Commission's leader, recommended Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein to Administrator
20Wolfe without indicating that she had vetted him, Administrator Wolfe promptly
21forwarded this recommendation to the clerks of the Zuckerberg Five Cities,
22suggesting they reach out to him if they were interested in learning more.
AR18,11,423
As a direct result of Administrator Wolfe's recommendation, Michael
24Spitzer-Rubenstein, a designated “partner" of Zuckerberg and CTCL, assumed
25control over various aspects of the Green Bay election, including overriding the
1Clerk's recommendations, signing contracts, controlling access to a key location, and
2determining the acceptance of ballots after the 8 p.m. deadline. Mr.
3Spitzer-Rubenstein lacked the requisite training, certification, and oath of office
4necessary to work in Wisconsin elections.
AR18,11,125
Wisconsin Statute § 5.02 (4e) defines an election official as an individual
6charged with duties related to election conduct. The Wisconsin Election
7Administration Manual emphasizes the importance of qualified and well-trained
8election officials. Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein did not meet these qualifications and
9was disqualified due to his New York residence. After Administrator Wolfe's
10recommendation, any roles assigned to Mr. Spitzer-Rubenstein by the clerks would
11have involved his participation in election activities, constituting a violation of Wis.
12Stat. § 5.02 (4e).
AR18,11,1913
Spitzer-Rubenstein also played a significant role in the Racine 2020 election,
14setting up systems, collecting ballots, and creating absentee ballot logs. He authored
15the Election Day Manual in Milwaukee, had exclusive access to critical information,
16and recruited out-of-state personnel. This scheme included “ballot navigators" who
17could visit citizens' homes, represent themselves as being “from the City" (although
18funded by Zuckerberg/CTCL), offer assistance in completing absentee ballots, and
19potentially illegally return the ballots to the clerk's office.
AR18,11,2320
Administrator Wolfe's cooperation in this scheme was vital for covering the
21Zuckerberg Five Cities clerks. By participating in and facilitating this scheme,
22Administrator Wolfe betrayed the trust of Wisconsin citizens who had entrusted her
23with the position of Administrator of WEC.
AR18,11,25
24Article 8. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration of Third-Party
25Submission of Absentee Ballot Applications
AR18,12,4
1Administrator Wolfe's actions regarding submitting absentee ballot
2applications by individuals other than the voter, contravening Wisconsin election
3laws, were unlawful. Administrator Wolfe is responsible for the guidance provided
4in the Election Administration Manual for Wisconsin Municipal Clerks.
AR18,12,85
According to the manual, “If an absentee ballot request is delivered by someone
6other than the registered elector (spouse, campaign volunteer, etc.), it is treated as
7a by-mail request." This directive lacked a legal basis, and Administrator Wolfe's
8actions in this regard were unlawful, as outlined in the
Teigen case.
AR18,12,149
Wisconsin Statute § 6.86 describes six distinct “methods for obtaining an
10absentee ballot," and § 6.86 (1) (a) 2. specifies the law for submitting an absentee
11ballot application directly to the municipal clerk, stating, “In person at the office of
12the municipal clerk or at an alternate site under s. 6.855, if applicable." Notably, Wis.
13Stat. § 6.86 (1) (a) 2. allows the elector to personally submit their absentee ballot
14application at the clerk's office.
AR18,12,1915
Administrator Wolfe's directive to clerks, permitting a “spouse," “
campaign
16volunteer," or other agents to submit absentee ballot applications on behalf of
17electors, contradicted the plain language of Wis. Stat. § 6.86 (1) (a) 2. Furthermore,
18her treatment of absentee ballot applications submitted by agents as “by-mail"
19requests also conflicted with the statute's language.
AR18,13,220
How Wolfe mishandled the return of absentee ballot applications paralleled her
21maladministration of absentee ballot returns. In the
Teigen case, the Wisconsin
22Supreme Court addressed the delivery of absentee ballots and emphasized that
23Wisconsin law did not allow agents or anyone other than the elector to submit an
24elector's absentee ballot directly to a clerk's office. Similarly, Wisconsin law did not
1permit a family member or agent to submit an elector's absentee ballot application
2directly to a clerk's office, as Administrator Wolfe allowed.
AR18,13,113
The court noted that the guidance provided by Administrator Wolfe in the
4March 2020 memo was contrary to Wis. Stat. § 6.87 (4) (b) 1., similar to the situation
5with absentee ballot applications. Wis. Stat. § 6.86 (1) (a) 2. required a
6person-to-person exchange between the elector submitting an absentee ballot
7application and the clerk or the clerk's authorized representative. The court
8reaffirmed that absentee ballots could only be returned through two authorized
9methods: mailing by the voter to the municipal clerk or personal delivery by the voter
10to the municipal clerk. Therefore, Administrator Wolfe's memos advising otherwise
11conflicted with the law and were rightly void.
AR18,13,13
12Article 9. Administrator Wolfe's Inadequate Absentee Ballot Request
13Web Page and Violation of Wisconsin Election Law
AR18,13,1514
Administrator Wolfe's absentee ballot request web page potentially facilitated
15ballot maladministration and contradicts Wisconsin election law requirements.
AR18,13,2316
On July 26, 2022, Harry Wait, the President of HOT Government, made
17absentee ballot requests on behalf of Wisconsin House Speaker Robin Vos, Racine
18Mayor Cory Mason, and several other registered Wisconsin voters. Mr. Wait
19intended to demonstrate the ease with which one person could request absentee
20ballots using the names of other voters without any intention of actually casting
21these ballots. Mr. Wait openly confessed to this practice in emails to various
22authorities, drawing state and national attention to the flaws in the WisVote
23system's absentee ballot mailing process.
AR18,14,424
Wisconsin Statute § 6.86 outlines six “methods for obtaining an absentee
25ballot," all of which require “proof of identification," with a few exceptions. Following
1Mr. Wait's public disclosure of absentee ballot requests on behalf of others, the WEC
2sent confirmation postcards to voters who had requested absentee ballots to new
3addresses. This action by WEC tacitly acknowledges the flaws in the WisVote
4absentee ballot request process.
AR18,14,105
Had Administrator Wolfe mandated that WisVote request proof of
6identification, as required by law, Mr. Wait would not have been able to obtain
7absentee ballots in other people's names, and WEC would not have needed to send
8out confirmation cards. The underlying issue lies in mailing absentee ballots
9without prior proof of identification, which underscores the importance of such
10verification in preventing voter fraud.
AR18,14,1611
WEC currently provides an online form on its web page, allowing voters to
12submit their names, addresses, and birth dates to request an absentee ballot.
13However, Wis. Stat. § 6.86 specifies six methods to obtain an absentee ballot, none
14of which state that WisVote's absentee ballot form is a lawful method for application.
15Wis. Stat. § 6.86 also requires voters to direct their absentee ballot requests to their
16municipal clerk, not WEC.
AR18,14,2417
The Wisconsin Supreme Court has previously ruled that Administrator Wolfe
18lacked the authority to establish a law allowing citizens to use ballot drop boxes to
19return their absentee ballots. Wis. Stat. § 6.86 allows an absent elector to make a
20written application to their municipal clerk for an official ballot but does not grant
21WEC the authority to serve as an intermediary in the absentee ballot application
22process. Administrator Wolfe apparently established WEC's absentee voting
23application method, potentially enabling absentee voters to circumvent Wisconsin's
24proof of identification requirement.
AR18,15,5
1When Mr. Wait submitted absentee ballot requests using others' names, none
2of these requests were legitimate because WEC lacked the legal authority to
3establish the WisVote absentee ballot request form. Consequently, WEC now seeks
4charges against Mr. Wait for conduct made possible only due to Administrator Wolfe's
5maladministration.
AR18,15,7
6Article 10. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration of Addressing
7Accessibility Issues at Racine's Mobile Polling Place
AR18,15,98
Administrator Wolfe failed to address accessibility concerns at Racine's mobile
9polling place, which was funded by Zuckerberg/CTCL and used in two elections.
AR18,15,1610
On March 24, 2022, members of HOT Government, Sandy Weidner, and Sandra
11Morris, lodged a complaint with the WEC regarding the Racine mobile polling
12location—a converted recreational vehicle (RV) purchased by the city with funding
13from Zuckerberg/CTCL. The complaint highlighted that the RV did not provide full
14accessibility to every disabled person, a requirement mandated by Wis. Stat. § 5.25
15(4) (a), which states that “Each polling place shall be accessible to all individuals with
16disabilities."
AR18,15,2317
In response to the complaint, Racine Clerk Tara Coolidge contended that a bell
18had been placed outside the mobile polling location's door, which could be used by
19voters physically unable to enter the RV. Racine suggested that the bell constituted
20a “reasonable accommodation" for those unable to access the vehicle. However, the
21law governing handicap accessibility at polling places is categorical and cannot be
22met merely by placing a bell outside the entrance. The law explicitly states, “Each
23polling place shall be accessible to all individuals with disabilities."
AR18,16,424
Additionally, WEC requires a Polling Place Accessibility Survey to be
25conducted for each new polling place, a requirement that had not been fulfilled for
1Racine's RV. Upon discovering Racine's failure to submit such a survey,
2Administrator Wolfe committed maladministration by not instructing Racine to
3cease using the mobile polling location until WEC could ascertain whether the
4mobile unit complied with the accessibility requirements, as mandated by law.
AR18,16,105
Despite being aware of the RV's lack of handicap accessibility and the complaint
6filed on March 24, 2022, Administrator Wolfe did not take any action. Administrator
7Wolfe's failure to address this issue allowed Racine to employ its converted
8RV/mobile polling place in two elections for partisan purposes. The RV became a tool
9for partisan politics, favoring certain voters over others and making it easier for the
10preferred voters to cast their ballots.
AR18,16,12
11Article 11. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration of CTCL Grants
12from the September 2020 Election Preparedness Report
AR18,16,1713
On September 1, 2020, Administrator Wolfe released a 125-page report titled
14“How Wisconsin is Prepared for the November 3, 2020 Election." She compiled this
15report in response to inquiries from legislators and WEC commissioners. While
16preparing this report, Wolfe requested election preparation plans specifically from
17the cities of Green Bay, Madison, and Milwaukee.
AR18,17,518
It is important to note that these three cities, Green Bay, Madison, and
19Milwaukee, held particular significance because they were among the five Wisconsin
20cities that received approximately 86 percent of the substantial funding provided by
21Mark Zuckerberg and the Center for Tech and Civic Life (CTCL) to support the
22administration of Wisconsin's elections. The publicly stated purpose of this funding
23was to safeguard Wisconsin voters from the spread of COVID-19. However, the
24actual allocation of funds, such as Green Bay's use of less than 1 percent for personal
25protective equipment (PPE), raised questions about the true intent behind these
1expenditures. Furthermore, the lack of transparency in the financial reporting of the
2other “Zuckerberg Five" cities has contributed to suspicions that these funds were
3used to promote voter turnout among specific demographic groups favored by
4partisan actors like Mark Zuckerberg, David Plouffe, David Becker, the mayors of
5the “Zuckerberg Five" cities, and the Biden campaign.
AR18,17,116
The central issue with Administrator Wolfe's maladministration of the “How
7Wisconsin is Prepared for the November 3, 2020 Election" report does not revolve
8around its contents but rather its omissions. Rather than disclosing the CTCL
9grants to the legislature, Administrator Wolfe conspicuously removed any references
10to Zuckerberg, CTCL, CTCL grants, CTCL partners, and their employees from her
11report on election preparedness.
AR18,17,1712
During a subsequent Assembly committee hearing, Administrator Wolfe
13claimed that she became aware of the CTCL funding only when a city (though
14unnamed in her statements, it is clearly Green Bay based on her email exchanges)
15submitted an addendum to a report on August 30, 2020. However, this claim does
16not align with the facts, as she had received emails from CTCL and its partners at
17least six weeks before publishing her report on September 1, 2020.
AR18,17,2518
Furthermore, it is highly improbable that Administrator Wolfe remained
19unaware of CTCL's grants until late August, as news of the $6.3 million in CTCL
20grants awarded to the “Zuckerberg Five" cities was widely covered by radio,
21television, and print news sources in early July. For Wolfe to assert that she first
22learned of CTCL's grants after compiling her “How Wisconsin is Prepared for the
23November 3, 2020 Election" report strains credibility. Additionally, she could have
24easily added an addendum regarding CTCL grants to her report after its initial
25submission, following the example set by the City of Green Bay.
AR18,18,3
1Article 12. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration of Reporting
2CTCL and the “Zuckerberg Five" Clerks for Unauthorized Creation of
3Absentee Voter Instructions
AR18,18,114
Wisconsin Statute § 6.869 clearly stipulates that the WEC is responsible for
5prescribing uniform instructions to be provided by municipalities to absentee
6electors. This statute underscores the importance of standardized absentee voting
7instructions across the state. However, a substantial number of
8emails—approximately 80—reveal communications between CTCL, the Center for
9Civic Design (CCD), the clerks of the “Zuckerberg Five" cities, and Milwaukee
10Election Commission Executive Director Woodall-Vogg regarding the development
11and printing of absentee ballot instructions in both English and Spanish.
AR18,18,1412
The actions taken by municipal election officials to create their own absentee
13ballot instructions stand in violation of Wis. Stat. § 6.869, as the statute exclusively
14grants the authority to WEC to establish uniform absentee voting instructions.
AR18,18,2115
In one email from CTCL's Whitney May, the “Zuckerberg Five" city clerks were
16solicited for their feedback on ballot instructions and envelopes. On August 18, 2020,
17Administrator Wolfe updated Uniform Instructions for Absentee Voters. In this
18communication, Wolfe made it explicitly clear that these instructions would be
19utilized for all absentee voters, commencing with the absentee ballots that clerks
20would send out for the November 3rd General Election, following WEC's directive,
21which is evident maladministration.
AR18,19,622
On the very same day that Wolfe disseminated her uniform instructions for
23absentee voters, CTCL's Whitney May corresponded with the clerks of the
24“Zuckerberg Five" cities. May's email indicated CTCL's intention to halt an
25operation due to WEC's desire for statewide conformity in format and their plans to
1embark on new envelope design work in the following year. This communication
2raises questions regarding how May was privy to WEC's intentions and the fact that
3they were supplying uniform absentee ballot instructions. Notably, May's email did
4not mention that the creation of their own absentee ballot instructions by CTCL,
5CCD, and the clerks of the “Zuckerberg Five" cities potentially violated Wis. Stat. §
66.869.
AR18,19,157
In an additional incident, Madison Clerk Maribeth Witzel-Behl sent an email
8on September 17, 2020, to Whitney May and the other clerks of the “Zuckerberg
9Five," including an attachment containing Spanish-language absentee ballot
10instructions. It's imperative to note that Wis. Stat. § 6.869 does not differentiate
11between English and Spanish absentee ballot instructions; it unequivocally states
12that the commission shall prescribe uniform instructions for municipalities to
13provide to absentee electors. Wolfe's memo from August 18, 2020, left no room for
14ambiguity—it mandated the use of uniform absentee ballot instructions for absentee
15voters, which should be applied regardless of language.
AR18,19,1916
The discrepancy between Wolfe's memo and Witzel-Behl's actions, sending
17Spanish absentee ballot instructions, necessitates an investigation into whether any
18of the “Zuckerberg Five" cities distributed their versions of absentee ballot
19instructions in Spanish, potentially contravening Wis. Stat. § 6.869.
AR18,20,220
This situation exemplifies how CTCL and its partners influenced Wisconsin
21election officials leading up to the 2020 election. Even though the “Zuckerberg Five"
22clerks ultimately did not send out their versions of absentee ballot instructions, the
23act of creating them likely violated state law. What is certain is that Administrator
24Wolfe did not hold CTCL, CCD, the “Zuckerberg Five" clerks, or Milwaukee Election
1Commission's Claire Woodall-Vogg accountable for producing their own absentee
2ballot instructions in apparent violation of Wis. Stat. § 6.869.
AR18,20,5
3Article 13. Administrator Wolfe's Maladministration in Establishing a
4Systematic Program for the Removal of Incompetent Individuals from the
5Voter Roll